AHIF Student Foreign Policy Trip Participants Describe their Personal Experiences
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WASHINGTON, DC —The American Hellenic Institute (AHI) is releasing ten essays authored by participants of the 11th annual American Hellenic Institute Foundation College Student Foreign Policy Trip to Washington, DC, Greece and Cyprus.
The students’ insightful essays describe their personal experiences from the trip to Greece and Cyprus held June 18 to July 5, 2019. During the 17-day program, the students were in Cyprus, June 22 to 27, and Athens, June 27 to July 5. Prior to departing for overseas, the students spent four days in Washington, DC, June 18 and 21. They received firsthand experience about the foreign policy issues affecting Greece and Cyprus, their relations with the U.S., and the interests of the U.S. in the region.
“For the eleventh consecutive year, the trip provided us with a wonderful opportunity to lead an exceptional group of students to Cyprus and Greece,” AHI President Nick Larigakis said. “It was rewarding to see them gain firsthand experience about the foreign policy issues that concern U.S. relations with Greece and Cyprus. The AHI Foundation looks forward to offering this program annually as support for it has grown and student interest remains at significant levels since the program’s inception.”
2019 Participants
The Romanticism of Heritage: What it Means to be Greek American in 2019
By Alexandra Choate
I don’t quite remember the first time I visited the motherland; being only seven, my memories of that first trip are colored by vague hues of Ionian blue and the electric orange of my first Fanta. I spent the summer learning curse words from new cousins and building kingdoms of sandcastles with borrowed pails. I was twelve the second time I traveled to Greece; the time after that, I was seventeen, then nineteen, and then twenty-one. Every trip to Greece was a summer-long dream, interrupted only by the start of another school year and preserved through the winter months in over-saturated photographs thumb-tacked above my headboard.
Quickly, and rather recently, I realized I had fallen into a common trap for Greeks raised abroad, romanticizing my heritage – thinking of Hellenism in the sole context of historic events, and reducing the image of Greece to my personal sentiments and vacations. For many first, second, and third generation Americans, “the motherland” is more of a concept than a place, something old and familiar to connect us to our roots. However, the countries in question have evolved since the time our parents and grandparents left them. Greece, in particular, has made unprecedented strides in militaristic and political development, reclaiming its influence in the Balkans as a mini-superpower.
With the American Hellenic Institute Foundation, I was part of a team of ten college students led by AHI President Nick Larigakis on dozens of meetings with state officials in the U.S., Greece, and the Republic of Cyprus. Some stand-out excursions included a briefing at the State Department in Washington, D.C., traveling to former battlegrounds in the United Nations Buffer Zone in Cyprus, and declassified meetings with the officers at Souda Bay Naval Base in Chania, Crete. Through these meetings, we got a firsthand look at the unmatched military power of Greece. The revelation of this power was as amazing as it was unbelievable. Greece – the country with a population of less than 11 million people and a GDP roughly equivalent of Tennessee – has the fifth largest F-16 fleet in the world. Even in the aftermath of one of the worst economic crises in modern history, Greece remains the second largest contributor to NATO defense spending as measured by percentage of GDP. Greece is home to the NATO Maritime Interdiction Operations Training Center and the NATO Missile Firing Installation, with the Hellenic Airforce employing some of the top-scoring, premier pilots in Europe.
Greece’s military power, however, is not a strong enough deterrent for hostile agents. The aggressive behavior demonstrated by Turkey includes illegal occupation of the Republic of Cyprus and near-daily airspace violations over Greece’s Aegean islands. Turkey’s activities over the centuries constitute war crimes, including cases of unlawful deportation, intentionally directing attacks against religious sites, and seizure of property. Herein lies the second revelation of the AHIF trip: The United States does not do enough to condemn Turkey’s offenses against consistent and unproblematic allies. The American Hellenic Institute Foundation links these two revelations, suggesting that it is in the United States’ best interest to re-anchor military allegiance to Greece, and finally condemn the centuries of hostility perpetrated by the Turkish state. As students on the Foundation’s trip, it is the duality of our identity that allows us to best spread this message. Identity seemed to be a recurring theme during our trip, bleeding into introspective discussions of what it means to be Greek American.
The interconnection of the two identities was different for every student, and we discussed at length the individual trials of our heritage. Personally, I feel we exist in the in-between: never quite Greek enough, never quite American enough. Try as we may, one of our identities faced constant question; the burden of proof would then fall upon us to demonstrate our Greekness. See? We’d say to our native-born Greek brothers and sisters, look at our Greek Festivals and our Greek Schools and beautiful Orthodox churches. We are Greek, just like you. Remarkably, the AHIF Student Trip divulged a third revelation: in cases of dual identities, it is not necessary to pick a side. The validity of a dual identity doesn’t stem from approval of either culture. Instead, it is the blend of heritage and birthright that empowers us. It is a subtle, but nonetheless radical shift in mindset. Without the fear of inadequacy, a dual identity becomes a superpower.
To me, being a Greek American in 2019 means a responsibility to pay attention: to the current political climate in and around Greece, to U.S. treatment of European allies, and to the actions of our own representatives in Congress. We live in a country with enormous international influence. We have the power to vote in a country with enormous international influence. With the interests of our two homelands aligned, Greek Americans should make a unified, conscious effort to strengthen the relationship between Greece and the United States.
Alexandra Choate is pursuing a bachelor’s degree from Queens University of Charlotte in Political Science. She is on track to graduate with the Class of 2020. Alexandra participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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Shifting Perceptions: Redefining the Image of Greece and Cyprus
By Vasili Ioannidis
In the fall of 2017, I entered a crowded Introduction to World Politics lecture as a freshman at the University of Michigan. Throughout the semester, I learned the mechanisms and rules in which the sphere of world politics operates, from security policy to economic development. However, through the broad introduction to such a complex and nuanced subject, one recurring theme, which my professor stressed, was that perceptions matter and that they are hard to change. These perceptions are critical because of the uncertainties political actors face globally. Actors may not have a complete understanding of reality, nor know how others may react to a situation. Therefore, perceptions must guide them when making decisions, as they provide a set of possibilities for how others may or should respond.
Two years later, in the summer of 2019, I was able to take the theories I learned in that freshman lecture and witness firsthand how important perceptions are in the sphere of foreign relations. Through the American Hellenic Institute Foundation College Student Foreign Policy Trip to Greece and Cyprus, I found myself face-to-face with top diplomats responsible for shaping foreign policy and projecting the images of their respective countries to the rest of the world.
Through meeting Cypriot officials, their message was clear: The Republic of Cyprus is not defined by only the Cyprus Problem (the illegal military occupation by Turkey of the northern part of the island). It has moved away from this monothematic foreign policy, despite the Cyprus Problem continuing to be the alpha and omega. Instead, Cyprus has turned to trilateral negotiations which many officials praise to be the most exciting aspect of Cypriot foreign policy today. Taking advantage of its geostrategic positioning in the Eastern Mediterranean and new energy discoveries, Cyprus has taken the role as a bridge to the Middle East and has created synergies with its neighbors. These partnerships which involve Greece, also include Egypt, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, among others. The overall goal is to connect the region in a partnership to discuss local and global issues that are in the interests of the region.
As a result of employing these multilateral mechanisms in its foreign policy, Cyprus has signaled to the world that it is a producer of stability in a volatile region. In its practice of good diplomacy, Cyprus has successfully changed its perception to the global community that it is a stable, Western-oriented democracy, despite the Cyprus Problem.
This same undertaking has also occurred in Greece. Not too long ago, Greece was being labelled the “black sheep of Europe,” and was in the midst of a crippling financial crisis. Today, Greece is in the process of turning the page and returning to normality after a decade of crisis. Not only has Greece remained a stable Western-oriented democracy through all of its hardships, but it also has expanded multilateral initiatives in a region of instability.
Along with engaging with Cyprus and Israel to develop trilateral relations in the region based on mutual interest, Greece has also reasserted its role as the pillar of stability in the Balkans. It has been one of the very few countries to attempt to resolve regional issues, and has taken the initiative to promote regional cooperation. Despite the historical instability of the Balkan region, Greece has played a key role in promoting stability and security through its multidimensional foreign policy. In doing so, Greece has been able to shed its perception as a crisis-prone nation, and redefine itself as a credible ally who is committed to Western ideals.
These new roles of Greece and Cyprus have not gone unnoticed by the United States. As a result, the United States has increased the importance of its relationships with the two countries. Meeting various officials from the three respective nations, everyone we had the opportunity to speak with repeated the idea that this is an exciting time in U.S.-Cyprus and U.S.-Greece relations. Greece and Cyprus have consistently signaled their commitment to the United States and its interests through continuously practicing good diplomacy, respecting international law, and promoting Western values on the fringes of the East. Unfortunately, there are many in the Eastern Mediterranean who still do not believe the United States will come to the aid of Greece and Cyprus if another crisis was to occur. Greece and Cyprus have used multilateral diplomacy to create a credible perception for themselves. It is now time for the United States to do the same and bolster its support for its true allies in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Vasili Ioannidis is a junior at the University of Michigan. He is majoring in Economics with minors in Modern Greek Language and Culture, and Business. Vasili participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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Eleventh Annual AHIF Foreign Policy Trip: A Greek American’s Journey Back to the Motherland
By George P. Limperis
During the summer of 2019, I was able to participate in a two-week foreign policy trip that took place in Washington DC, Cyprus, and Greece sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation. This trip allowed me to make great new contacts and connections and further allowed me to have a broader perspective on issues that Greece and Cyprus face today.
I was astonished when the other students and I were all told of the illegal acts and crimes that Turkey not only carries out against Greece but also Cyprus. On our second day in Cyprus, we took two buses to enter the occupied area, and our first stop was an abandoned church that, while previous trips were able to explore, had recently been boarded up. When you enter into the premises of the church, there is a cemetery that once belonged to the Greek Orthodox community of the area but has been devastatingly destroyed and right next to the abandoned Greek Orthodox cemetery is a Muslim cemetery that is full of shining white marble for the new locals of the area. Since the 1974 illegal attack against the Republic of Cyprus, you can find many crosses from several cemeteries and churches knocked down and held in small huts. As a Greek American Orthodox Christian, I, amongst many individuals, was devasted to see right under our eyes the persecution against Greek Cypriot Orthodox Christians. There are approximately 1,000 Greek Cypriot Orthodox Christians that are still missing since 1974.
Once we arrived in Famagusta and visited the beach, I expected to see the waves run across the sand and a crowded beautiful beach that will make you feel right at ease for the perfect vacation, but unfortunately, it was not the case. Behind the beach was an entire abandoned city that is collapsing and a fence that contains several "Do not take pictures" signs. This city was once home to thousands of individuals who just left their food and belongings on their kitchen table as they fled to the southern part of their island for safety and protection.
In Greece we visited the Ministry of Defense (Greece’s equivalent of the Pentagon) where we also met with the Hellenic Minister of Defense Evangelos Apostolakis. Several members of the Hellenic Armed Forces gave us brief presentations about Greece's military and its role across the world. None of the students ever expected to hear that in the year 2018 alone Greece ranked right under the United States for contributing in all of NATO, especially while having one of the worst economies in all of Europe. Greece contributes 2.27% of its GDP to the NATO defense while Turkey, who is placed tenth on the list, contributes 1.69%, which is nowhere near meeting the straightforward NATO guideline of 2%.
In conclusion, being able to be an alumnus of the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip was a privilege. Seeing the issues and crimes that are still taking place in Cyprus since the 1974 Turkish invasion has allowed me to be very grateful for the life that my family and I have, while also encouraging me to help bring justice to those who have lost their homes and to the families that have lost their loved ones. Meeting with the members of the Hellenic Armed Forces was an incredible honor as these brave men and women fight off the Turkish fighter jets and naval ships that violate Greece’s waterways and airspace. From attending the American Hellenic Institute's Foreign Policy Trip, I will arrange a meeting with my congressman of the 5th Congressional District of Illinois, Mike Quigley, and my two United States Senators, Dick Durbin and Tammy Duckworth, to inform them on these issues and matters that are still taking place in Greece and Cyprus and the role that the United States should be playing in the region.
George P. Limperis will be earning his Bachelor of Business Administration from the Hult International Business School of London, United Kingdom. George participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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American Hellenic Institute Foundation Foreign Policy Trip: The Power of Cooperation
By Emily A. Pandis
Politicians, ambassadors, government ministers and military personnel within Greece may disagree on policies, solutions and political views, but one repeated statement by these individuals we met on the 11th Annual AHIF Foreign Policy Trip was that “Greece is a pillar of stability in the unstable region of the Eastern Mediterranean.” During the first few days of this journey, my nine other tripmates and I questioned the true strength of Greece that was projected in these words. Fast forward to day eighteen and not only did we understand the magnitude of this sentence, but we had confidence in its truth to incorporate it into our questions and in our conversations regarding Greece’s role on the international front. How is it that “a country the geographical size of Alabama, with a GDP the size of Tennessee, and a population a little over that of New York City,” as Mr. Nick Larigakis helped put the logistics into perspective, able to wield such power and neutrality surrounded by the complexities of Syria, Israel, Palestine, Turkey, Jordan, Cyprus, Lebanon, Egypt, and Libya?
Since its Independence in 1821, Greece has been plagued with a number of conflicts and in the 20th century alone, involvement in the Balkan Wars, WWI, the Greco-Turkish War, WWII, and the Greek Civil War. Despite economic difficulties and social rebuilding, Greece has been able to establish itself as a military superpower with Souda Bay as NATO’s military gem with installations such as NMIOTC and NAMFI and with an impressive F-16 fleet, all while contributing the 2% spending of GDP on defense expenditures required by NATO members. Having what I thought was a proficient knowledge of Greek culture and society, the military numbers are astounding. Even more impressive was the opportunity to see these installations, to see the navy and air force fleet and to get a hands-on experience of what these numbers look like on the ground.
On the diplomatic front, we heard repeatedly in meetings held in Greece and Cyprus of the trilateral agreements Greece is partaking in such as with Israel, Egypt, and other like-minded countries with focus on energy, security and maritime affairs. Getting political, military, and academic perspectives on the role Greece plays was fundamental in answering my previous question. Greece is the center of gravity of the Eastern Mediterranean, possesses a unique location, and although its history and future are aligned with the West, geographically it remains the crossroads for emerging competition between Eastern and Western Powers. If Greece is able to establish long-term relationships with the aforementioned countries with which it is currently cooperating, it begs the questions of what the future holds. The increasing instability of Turkey, only helps strengthen U.S.-Greece relations and highlights what has always been the case— Greece is anchored in the West, and is a loyal ally. Israel’s and Syria’s heightened tensions with Turkey further places Greece at an advantage from the East. Turkey’s decision to purchase the Russian S-400 missile defense system leaves a bitter taste for many of its fellow states for, at least, the short-term future. The relationships Greece has been able to establish are based on working with countries for positive developments (not against anyone else), and discussing neutral topics and initiatives that work for all those involved. Addressing common issues and threats such as organized crime, human trafficking, the global financial crisis and climate change allows a country like Greece to move forward with its neighbors by forming independent agreements. Even if these countries do not get along with each other (e.g. Israel, Lebanon), Greece fosters relationships with them individually.
So, where does this leave Greece?
While the trilateral relationships Greece is involved with to the East, and the ever-growing bond between the U.S. and Greece are great news for the stability in the region, I realized that this is not simply a case of “you are my neighbor, let me help you out,” but rather a cooperation based fundamentally on national interests. A United States presence in the Eastern Mediterranean region is mutually beneficial, with Greece and Cyprus continuing to promote Western values and the U.S. providing external assistance. The United States, in its own interests, needs to condemn Turkey’s provocative actions in the Aegean, and support Cyprus’ concern of its EEZ being violated by illegal Turkish drilling. Finally, the U.S. needs to explore sustainable investment options to boost the Greek economy.
Having lived in Greece for nearly seventeen years, I thought I knew how to answer or avoid questions and remarks regarding the economic crisis, the luxurious summer vacations it has to offer, and what the biggest differences between living in Greece versus living in the U.S. are. To some extent I did know based on personal experience, but the AHIF Foreign Policy Trip has allowed me to ask and answer bigger and much more important questions with a well-informed and educated background. I am confident in answering questions and critically thinking about Greece’s role in the Eastern Mediterranean and how it has not only secured its importance militarily but how it expands its diplomatic interests to and relationship with countries in the region to form a neighborhood path that fosters dialogue and cooperation.
Emily Pandis is a graduate of The Ohio State University, where she obtained her BA triple majoring in International Relations and Diplomacy, Islamic Studies and Modern Greek with a minor in History. She is currently pursuing her MA at American University in Global Governance, Politics and Security. Emily participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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Immersion in the Political Life of Greece and Cyprus on the AHIF Foreign Policy Trip
By Apostolos Siopsis
The first time I heard about this trip I believed anyone who participated in the program had to have some special qualities or qualifications that I didn’t have. I never involved myself in Greek politics as much as I wanted, and even though I spent all my summers in Greece, I obtained only shallow knowledge from conversations with my friends. I learned to read, write, speak, and dance through my activities and visits to Greece. I learned what it really means to be Greek from my friends in Greece who have always accepted me. Despite my immersion, the AHIF Foreign Policy Trip allowed me to gain an experience that I never had: learning about the geopolitics and the future of the Eastern Mediterranean.
Our delegation was exposed to the diversity of functions of the government in Greece and Cyprus. We not only saw raw military power but also a cunning diplomatic power. And, everywhere we went, we did not meet with secretaries or assistants to the assistants. Rather, we met with top officials in their field who knew the intricacies of their positions.
The reality in Cyprus, as many officials told us, was that Turkey has the military power to take the rest of Cyprus in twenty-four hours if it wanted to. However, the Turkish government never attacks unless it is supremely confident. Cyprus and Greece have taken advantage of Turkey’s caution by forging a diplomatic shield, and the new natural gas discoveries in the region made for the catalyst of those agreements. The mutual interest in the natural gas reserves from Egypt, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Greece, and Cyprus paved the way for international cooperation in the region. This was due in large part to the effort of Cypriot diplomats who were able to create diplomatic ties with many countries in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean. Recently, this coalition was recognized as an international organization called The Eastern Mediterranean Natural Gas Forum. Cyprus provides value to these middle eastern countries now and so they see an interest in keeping Cyprus’ enemies at bay. Through excellent diplomacy, Cyprus has strengthened its relationships with the West and with key nations situated in the Middle East. Cyprus now not only has the West backing it but also many powerful nations in the Middle East. This feat of diplomacy has secured Cyprus as a protagonist in the region.
Greece has demonstrated repeatedly that it secures the interests of the West in the region and has therefore garnered their support more than ever before. By creating value to the West, just as Cyprus has, Greece has also become an important player.
Of course, it isn’t just political insights that made the trip impactful. I was surrounded by a group of peers who all had the same intense curiosity for their ancestral homeland even if they weren’t the typical political science majors. Our candid and unmoderated discussions on the bus, at dinner, or during late nights gave us the opportunity to exchange ideas freely and see issues from different points of view. I also experienced the life of a diplomat to the fullest extent, as we were never treated as students but rather as diplomats. Long days, not a full night’s sleep every night, a mountainous amount of information we had to absorb, the heat of summer in business attire, and many other challenges showed me what this career has to offer.
The AHIF Foreign Policy Trip provided me with what I was missing. All of the experiences I outlined above have not only made me more educated, but also more passionate about my ancestral homeland. The part of my cultural identity I neglected was nourished and bolstered. I am inspired to get involved in my community in the U.S. by writing in my school paper and convincing my Hellenic Student Association to push these issues to the public. I am staying informed with daily news updates about Greece, Cyprus, and the region at large. This trip has truly changed a fundamental part of my identity in an amazing way, and I cannot wait to continue being engaged and involved.
Apostolos Siopsis is a sophomore at The George Washington University in Washington, DC studying economics with a minor in political science and statistics. He participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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American Hellenic Institute Foundation Foreign Policy Trip: Narratives of Weakness in the face of Unimaginable Strength
By Basiliki Speros
In world affairs journals and international news, stories related to Greece and Cyprus are thematically bound to their instances of weakness. Issues like the sovereign debt and refugee crises paint Greece as a country of instability and perpetual distress. Cyprus is hardly even discussed in American mainstream media. Most Americans remain unaware of the Republic of Cyprus’s modern challenges as a state indefinitely occupied and divided. Visiting the occupied area and UN buffer zone of the island painted a harrowing picture of the Republic of Cyprus’s perseverance in the face of unimaginable tragedy. Moreover, the American Hellenic Institute Foundation’s Foreign Policy trip illuminated the false narratives I heard regarding Greece’s volatility.
In the Turkish occupied area of the Republic of Cyprus, all signs of life prior to occupation are either covered up or, tragically, historicized. We visited one Greek Orthodox church which was converted into a museum, thereby robbed of its spiritual significance. This was the kindest transformation we witnessed, as the other two churches in the area were desecrated. A Greek graveyard whose crosses were knocked out and thrown carelessly in a shed stood surrounded by untouched Turkish ones. A Greek church once open to its community now exists as a closed-off, oversized birdhouse protecting hordes of pigeons and their excrement from the outside world. One beach with towering buildings, full of shelling and partially bombed from the conflict of 1974, now caters to tourists as a beachfront with cabanas and bars and signs urging visitors to ignore the site behind them. Finally, once Greek towns and neighborhoods not re-settled by Turkish people in the north are obscured from public attention with chain-link fences, rusted barrels, and foreboding military signs barring entry. The occupying forces’ efforts to erase the historical identity of the region as a shared space between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots perpetuate the pain of those who lost their lives, families, and homes in the conflict of 1974. It obscures hope for a unified Republic of Cyprus.
While the Turkish occupied area of the republic hid its painful recent history in an effort to make life more comfortable for the occupying soldiers and the conscious of foreign tourists, the UN buffer zone remains a time capsule of conflict. A massive plane full of shelling and missing its emergency doors reminds onlookers of the Battle of Nicosia and the Turkish military’s strategic push into the capital. An untouched airport full of remnants of 1970s air travel and culture evokes a sense of frozen progress.
Moving on from instances of mass tragedy and sovereign invasion is near impossible when it still impacts the lives of everyday citizens in the republic. Despite this, Cyprus’s leaders and foreign relations experts have managed to recreate the state into a significant mediator between its brothers in the West and neighbors in the East. Meeting with Foreign Minister Nikos Christodoulides conveyed that Cyprus unites representatives from Israel, Palestine, Egypt, and even Jordan in its multilateral diplomatic efforts to tackle climate change and environmental degradation in the Eastern Mediterranean. Politically, the state manages positive relationships both within the EU as a member state, and with powerful Gulf actors like the UAE and Saudi Arabia, whose newly opened embassy once seemed like an impossibility. While domestic challenges to its sovereignty far exceed that of its EU counterparts, Cyprus has evolved on the world stage as much-needed connector between the EU and the East.
Later in the trip, visiting Greece’s military bases and speaking with defense officials reoriented my understanding of the country’s power and geopolitical significance. During its near decade of austerity and repeated debt defaults, Greece was depicted as the “Black Sheep” of the EU. Often public opinion regarded Greece as a net consumer of stability efforts from Brussels rather than a net provider of stability. However, Greece’s ability to fend off Turkish military ships and jets to defend its legal borders exudes strength and perseverance in the face of a persistent challenge. Colonel Evaggelos Tzikas of the 115 Combat Wing in Crete’s strategically crucial Souda Bay explained that Hellenic jet fighters engage in mock dogfights with Turkish jets on a near weekly basis. Commodore Theodoros Mitropoulos said that the Hellenic fleet is forced to defend its maritime sovereignty repeatedly from Turkish military ships who disregard international maritime law and sail into Greek waters without explanation. Souda Bay’s NATO Missile Firing Installation and Naval Support Activity base protect Western interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and support paramount U.S. military efforts- like Operation Odyssey Dawn during the Libya crisis of 2011. In spite of its depiction as the weak link of the EU, Greece has emerged from its decade of hardship as a lynchpin of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean and NATO at large. Without the AHIF Foreign Policy trip, I could not have understood the unimaginable strength and significance of Greece and Cyprus on the world stage.
Basiliki Speros is a Bachelors-Masters candidate in International Relations and Business at New York University. Basiliki participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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Greece’s Renewed Interest in Embracing its Global Role as a Pillar of Stability and Entrance to the West
By Demosthenes Theofanopoulos
I have always heard whispers of the geopolitical value of Greece around the dinner table and at family gatherings. As the Eastern gateway to Europe, it would seem logical for Greece to play an important role in furthering both western interests and political stability in the region. This trip helped me see that Greece is home to several extremely pivotal geopolitical assets, and should be considered a legitimate player on the global stage. The most significant development that I gleaned from this trip is that Greece is ready to fulfill her great potential as a global interlocutor and regional stabilizer. One of the most significant relationships that Greece cultivates with the United States is the naval base at Souda Bay, Crete.
Souda Bay is an integral logistical cog for American naval interests in the Eastern Mediterranean. Souda Bay possesses several invaluable logistical capabilities for the Hellenic and U.S. navies. Souda Bay possesses a natural deep-water port which is capable of receiving ships up to 300m. When we visited Souda Bay, there was an American nuclear submarine docked for maintenance. The services Souda Bay provides are refueling, munitions, and a litany of different maintenance operations. These include repairs on a floating and dry dock, and Forces Sensor and Weapon Accuracy Check Sites (FORACS).
Souda Bay is one of only three FORACS test ranges in the world, with the others in Norway, and Florida. This helps to ensure American naval vessels are adequately prepared for entrance into the volatile eastern Mediterranean region. In addition, vessels have a close and convenient checkpoint to replenish resources and make any necessary repairs. We were also taken to two NATO facilities: the NATO Missile Firing Installation (NAMFI) and NATO Maritime Interdiction Operational Training Centre (NMIOTC). NAMFI is a missile testing range under the control of the Hellenic National Defense General Staff, which is one of the only missile testing facilities in Europe. NATO chose this facility because of its peripheral geography, proximity to the rest of the base, and meteorological conditions which allow it to be fully operational year-round. It is one of NATO’s most significant training facilities. Another NATO training facility which we visited was NMIOTC. NMIOTC coordinates and executes training of NATO soldiers in all forms of naval interdiction. Such heavy NATO involvement was ample proof to me that Greece is more than willing to assume its role within NATO as a key regional stabilizer. In addition, Greece has always contributed the required 2% of its GDP to defense, an area where most other member nations are sorely lacking.
In addition to Souda Bay, U.S. military activity is increasing near the port of Alexandroupolis, at a base near Volos, and drone flights out of Larissa air force base, are occurring. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has called Greece a “critical ally.” These developments, while strengthening U.S.-Greece relations, also helps to distance U.S.-Turkey relations. Turkey, which has just taken delivery of Russian S-400 missiles, and recently has had sanctions placed against it by the European Union for illegally drilling in Cyprus’ exclusive economic zone, is distancing itself from Europe and the United States while Greece is strengthening these ties. Turkey is a country which consistently breaks international law, violates Greek and Cypriot sovereign territory, and executes politically straining actions which put the United States in uncomfortable positions. While Turkey does possess extremely valuable geostrategic positioning, it has been made clear to me that Greece is ready and willing to step in with comparable geopolitical value.
Greece is ready to usher in a renewed and strengthened relationship with the United States as a pillar of stability in the region and a valuable ally who shares the same democratic values. Now is the time for Greece to reinforce its worth within the context of American interests and global security.
Demosthenes Theofanopoulos is a junior at Fordham University studying Classical Civilization and minoring in Orthodox Christianity. He is also on the pre-medical track. He participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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AHIF Foreign Policy Trip: Is Turkey the Country You Think It Is?
By John Tsaousis
Being a part of the American Hellenic Institute Foundation Foreign Policy Trip was an eye-opening experience. The first two days of the trip took place in Washington, D.C. and the next two weeks took place in Cyprus and Greece. During this trip, I was fortunate enough to meet with high ranking officials on a daily basis, including: ambassadors, the President of the House of Representatives of Cyprus, the foreign minister of Cyprus, the deputy foreign minister of Greece, and the Hellenic National Defense staff, to name a few.
After departing from Dulles Airport, we landed in Cyprus on June 23, 2019. After many meetings in Cyprus, it was obvious Cyprus still faces problems. In 1974, Turkey invaded Cyprus. Since the invasion, roughly 37 percent of the island is under the control of Turkey. Imagine you and your family are living in Cyprus but being forced to move because another country has invaded and taken over. Not only has Turkey taken control of part of the island, but it has completely changed the demographic. One of the first places we visited while in Cyprus was the Turkish-occupied area. One of the first things I noticed were the massive mosques built by the Turkey. Thankfully, we did have the opportunity to visit what was left of one of the Greek Orthodox churches that remained in the occupied area. All the crosses were destroyed and the graves of the Greek Cypriots who had died there were dug up. It was beyond disgusting and disrespectful. From my view, there is no reason or justification to destroy and disrespect the dead. During the 1974 invasion, 550 churches were destroyed, 20,000 icons were stolen, and 4,000 Greek-Cypriots were killed. According to the Presidential Commissioner of the Service for Missing Persons, Photis Photiou, there are still 1,510 missing Greek Cypriots from the invasion. Cyprus has been asking Turkey to identify where the Greek Cypriot people are, whether dead or alive, but the Turkish government refuses to cooperate. To make matters even worse, Greece and Turkey have been allies since 1952 through NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization). According to the President of the House of Representatives, Dimitris Syllouris, Turkey is doing to Syria what it did to Cyprus in 1974. He also said Turkey is sending aid to ISIS fighters in Libya and Syria. Lastly, he stated that Turkey’s “goal is to gain control of the Eastern Mediterranean.” What Turkey has been doing and what it continues to do is absolutely appalling.
Following our time in Cyprus, my fellow group members and I landed in Athens, Greece on June 27, 2019. A big part of our trip to Greece was learning about the Greek military and the countries that threaten it. Recently, Turkey has been making significantly large military purchases which have many countries worried because of Turkey’s recent and past behavior. According to U.S. Ambassador to Greece Geoffrey Pyatt, Turkey’s purchase of the Russian S-400s has strained the relationship between the U.S. and Turkey. The S-400 missiles are designed to take down NATO planes which is just one example of Turkey threatening its own allies. According to the A4 Directorate for Turkey, Ambassador Nikolaos Garilidis, Turkey is illegally drilling in Cypriot waters, but Cyprus does not have the naval power to do anything about it. Not only is Turkey invading Cypriot waters, but it is doing the same to Greece. According to the deputy commander in chief of the Hellenic Fleet, Turkish boats are constantly in Greek waters because Turkey claims that half the Aegean belongs to it. The same issue happens routinely with Greece’s airspace. During our trip to Souda Bay, which has a naval base and supports NATO operations, we learned that each year Greece spends approximately half a billion dollars chasing Turkish planes out of Greek airspace. This is absolutely outrageous, especially considering once again, that Greece and Turkey are NATO member nations. Per the Hellenic National Defense General Staff, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (the President of Turkey) stated “By 2071, Turkey will have reclaimed the level it was once at during the Seljuk and Ottoman eras.” It is clear Turkey’s goal is to regain its strength by any means necessary.
Attending the AHIF College Student Foreign Policy Trip was so much more than an opportunity to travel abroad and better understand my heritage and roots. I have a new found appreciation for the good work performed by Nick Larigakis with the American Hellenic Institute, and I now understand the work that remains to be done. Knowledge is power. We must be the change to make a difference, and I intend to do just that.
John Tsaousis is from Vienna, Virginia. He is studying Civil Engineering at George Mason University, class of 2021. John participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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Turkey’s Dangerous Ottoman Nostalgia
By Konstantinos Tsarouchis
Before going on the AHIF Foreign Policy trip to Greece and Cyprus, I did not understand the foundational complexities that shaped Greek-Turkish relations. Originally, I believed tensions between Greece and Turkey were solely rooted in the Ottoman capture and occupation of Greece, without understanding modern history and the implication of Turkey’s current actions. But what I have now realized is that Turkey has a history of violating human rights going from the fall of Constantinople all the way to the present, and they also have no interest in preserving the Judeo-Christian values that have historically held the West together.
Under the UN charter today, it is a violation of international sovereignty to go to another country and claim that land as your own. However, in 1974 Turkey did just that when it occupied the northern region of Cyprus. The longer the island remains under Turkish control the more Turkey begins to see it as a legitimate arm of the Turkish state. This is in part due to the proliferation of mosques that Erdogan has built in Cyprus. Turkey is trying to eradicate the Christian culture of Cyprus. The Turks have taken a medieval geopolitical tactic, similar to the way they invaded Byzantium to claim Constantinople in 1453, to legitimize it as a legal political strategy today. Up until the recent past, expansion through occupation was considered the norm- Erdogan has attempted to revive this practice currently through changing the religious demographics of Cyprus. I have no doubt that in 50-100 years, Cyprus could suffer the same fate as Constantinople. The demographics of Constantinople were altered through the desecration of churches and proliferation of mosques in order to create the modern Turkish city of Istanbul. If the Turks keep proliferating mosques in Cyprus, it will suffer the same fate.
Erdogan has stated that he looks to celebrate numerous Turkish milestones including 2023, 2053, and 2071 in Cyprus. This is not representative of a country that wants to respect modern international law and acknowledge their past faults. It is the language of a country that wants to celebrate its dark past rather than make amends. This is not in Western interests when you examine Turkey’s history through the Arab raids and the war against other countries such as Bulgaria, Albania and Italy. Some examples are the Italo-Turkish War of 1912 where the Italians and Turks fought over the claims of Libya and the Ottoman Invasion Otranto in 1481. In addition, Albanians experience similar circumstances with them when the Ottomans controlled Albania in the late 1400s and ended with Albanian uprisings against the Turks in the early 1900s. Although the Ottoman Empire no longer exists, Erdogan’s claims along with Turkey’s history with Europe suggest that Turkey most likely will not value Western interests in the future. In addition, not only is Turkey a threat to the West, Turkey also violates distinct Western values.
By not allowing excavations for the missing peoples of Cyprus following the 1974 invasion, Turkey is denying the human right to truth for the loved ones lost which is a fundamental Western value. In addition, they are also violating EU human rights policy, which promotes the rights of displaced persons. As Photis Photiou, the Director for Service for Missing Persons said, “This is a humanitarian crisis.”
As long as the EU and the United States keep appeasing them, the Western identity will be at risk of Turkey’s interference. While we see their values are at odds with the United States, we need to keep this in mind as we examine what they are doing in the Eastern Mediterranean. Turkey’s interest in a stronghold in Cyprus is due to its geographical location. Whoever controls that area essentially controls the gate between the Western and the Eastern world. Turkey is not only a threat to Greece, but also a threat to the west and international legal systems. They have shown no interest in preserving Western values and only an interest in rebuilding the Ottoman Empire. The word must be spread not only throughout the United States but throughout the rest of Europe as well. Until then, those 43,000 troops in Cyprus are just one step in Turkey’s deeper agenda.
References
Albania - The Ottoman Conquest of Albania, countrystudies.us/albania/17.htm.
Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Italo-Turkish War.” Encyclopaedia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., www.britannica.com/event/Italo-Turkish-War.
Konstantinos Tsarouchis is a Junior at American University studying Political Science with a concentration on political theory. He participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation.
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American Hellenic Institute Foundation Foreign Policy Trip
By Sophia Yphantides
The American Hellenic Institute Foundation’s Foreign Policy trip provided a venue for myself and my peers to explore the politics and history of the land where we all share a common heritage. The opportunities provided to me on this trip opened my eyes to two relatively small nations in the Eastern Mediterranean that lie at a crossroads between the East and the West and play a key role in preserving and defending democratic values in the often volatile region in which they are entrenched.
The Hellenic Republic holds a geostrategic position at the crossroads between the traditional East and West cultures. Although Greece’s military feats of the past are well known, around the world and even within its own borders, many are unaware of modern Greece’s immense defense capabilities. Exceeding NATO’s mandated 2% minimum of its GDP to be spent on defense, Greece has set itself up to be a dynamic and dominant military force in the Balkans through the implementation of cutting-edge programs such as NAMFI and NMIOTC, both of which we had the privilege of visiting. Seeing the facilities at Salamis Naval Base and Souda Bay Naval Base in Crete, gave us a much greater understanding of Greece’s commitment to defense than reading from an article or textbook ever could have. The first-class facilities and state of the art weaponry we had the privilege of seeing up close at the aforementioned bases impressed upon me, the kind of exemplary NATO ally that Greece has proven itself to be. By maintaining a strong military, Greece has shown that it is not only willing, but ready and able, to defend itself and its allies from potential threats.
The military aspect of the trip taught me that Greece is capable of presenting big-stick diplomacy at any time, however, the trip’s political facet revealed how Greece has instead managed to execute precise and tactical diplomatic relations with its neighbors. I was fascinated to learn about Greece’s trilateral ties with countries throughout Eastern Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. Speaking with the Diplomatic Advisor to then-Prime Minister Tsipras, Mr. Vangelis Kalpadakis, I asked him how Greece could maintain its “multidimensional diplomacy” strategy without losing the trust of or weakening relations with its neighbors, many of whom do not have diplomatic relations with each other. Mr. Kalpadakis affirmed the geostrategic position Greece occupies is only strategic for Greece if she gets along with all of her neighbors. Building and maintaining these overlapping relationships, Greece has shown it is in a unique position to be a stable bridge between nations in the region. This effective and strong foreign policy strategy convinced me that Greece cannot be underestimated as a pillar of stability and a beacon of democratic values in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Our focus on the Cyprus conflict led me to recognize the hypocrisy that has gone on within NATO for 45 years. It is hard to understand how a NATO member can attack and occupy another smaller nation without retaliation or successful intervention. Visiting the bombed beaches and villages of the Turkish controlled occupied area of Cyprus gave me a clear picture of the unjust situation that still exists within the Republic of Cyprus. We saw not only the emotional, human side of the problem from the thousands of families still searching for missing sons and daughters, but also the logical, political side of the issue that shows how Turkey has been and continues to clearly violate international law and Cyprus’ rights as a sovereign nation. The solution, although not yet enacted, is simple: Turkey must take its troops out of the northern region of Cyprus, take its drill ships out of Cypriot waters, and recognize Cyprus’ sovereignty.
Speaking with political officials, I heard their calls for the United States to help enact a solution to the Cyprus problem. With so many differing interests involved, it is understandable to me how the process can become gridlocked, however, from the interactions facilitated by the AHIF foreign policy trip, I have been convinced of the necessity to affirm Cypriot borders by expelling Turkey from Cyprus.
Greece and Cyprus have taken many productive political endeavors through their multilateral strategic dialogues and projects. As cooperating, stable nations in the Mediterranean, Greece and Cyprus are the gatekeepers of democracy for the West. AHI’s efforts to make the important roles and capabilities of these two nations known to American lawmakers has inspired me to look back to the birthplace of democracy as a current and future player in stabilization around the globe. As we engage in the international arena during a charged and active era, we should strive to make honest choices we are still proud of 45 years or more down the line. This trip has not only educated me, but it has also ignited me with renewed excitement and passion for truth and justice. I hope to carry what I learned during the AHIF trip with me into the classroom and my future workplace and help to advocate for the kind of just laws that I am privileged to enjoy in the United States to all corners of the globe.
Sophia Yphantides is a sophomore at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service majoring in International Politics with a concentration in International Law, Institutions, and Ethics. Sophia participated in the 11th annual AHIF Foreign Policy College Student Trip to Greece and Cyprus sponsored by the American Hellenic Institute Foundation
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